Colleges Must Stand Firm Against Far-Left Pro-Hamas Extremism

By Chris Pack and Bob Salera



Yesterday marked the one-year anniversary of Hamas’s brutal terrorist attacks on Israel. And predictably, the far-left, pro-Hamas activists that caused chaos on American college campuses earlier this year were back out in force, disgustingly celebrating terrorism, and chanting antisemitic slogans. As we saw during the spring semester, this vocal minority is pushing institutions toward policies that align with extremist ideologies. In the interest of their reputations, colleges and universities must learn from their mistakes, resist this pressure, and stand firm on principles that reflect the broader values of our society.


Colleges must not allow a small but loud group to dictate policies that could lead to national ridicule and a loss of public trust. Instead, they should focus on the values held by the majority, who support Israel and reject the violence of Hamas. The backlash against Ivy League universities should serve as a cautionary tale: aligning with extremist views does not lead to respect or progress but rather to a tarnished reputation and diminished support.

 

Recent polling underscores the widespread American support for Israel and the widespread condemnation of Hamas. According to a recent Gallup poll, a significant majority of Americans view Hamas unfavorably and support Israel’s right to defend itself. Another survey revealed that the reputations of Ivy League schools have suffered due to their handling of pro-Hamas protests, indicating that appeasement of radical elements is damaging these institutions’ standing in the eyes of the public.


Compounding this issue is the current administration's weakness in handling similar pressures. President Biden’s inconsistent stance on Israel, influenced by anonymous letters from within his staff, has undermined his pro-Israel position. This internal dissent has emboldened extremist views and led to a perception of capitulation. Such weakness at the highest levels of government sends a dangerous signal that yielding to the loudest voices, rather than standing firm on principles, is an acceptable approach.



Reflecting on the 2020 election cycle offers valuable insights from our time leading the communications efforts of the National Republican Congressional Committee (NRCC). 

 

Fresh off their victory in the 2018 election, retaking the majority in the US House of Representatives, the Democratic Conference was infused with a freshman class that included several high-profile far-left figures, including self-avowed socialists like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Rashida Tlaib and Ilhan Omar. These new members, part of the self-styled “Squad” endorsed extreme positions that were anathema to the vast majority of voters like Defund the Police, the Green New Deal and Abolish ICE. Instead of distancing themselves from The Squad’s extreme positions and rhetoric, their fellow House Democrats remained silent or even defended them, similar to what we are seeing on campuses with anti-Semitic protests. 

 

In response to this extremism on the other side of the aisle, under the mandate of then-House Republican Leader Kevin McCarthy, we adopted an aggressive tone in defining our Democratic opponents. And at the urging of well-known pollster Neil Newhouse, we made the 2020 election a referendum on the Democrats’ lurch towards socialist policies.   

 

As expected, we were laughed at. 

 

Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (DCCC) Chairwoman Cheri Bustos, who was responsible for protecting the centrist House Democrats, dismissed our strategy in September 2019 on a panel discussion at the Texas Tribune Festival, saying “This [socialism] label that you keep repeating over and over and over again, I think we’re going to be sick and tired of it by the time November of 2020 rolls around. It is not true. It is fake. It’s not going to stick.”

 

Then-Meet the Press’ then-host Chuck Todd was quick to pick up on Bustos’ tone, further mocking us on his panel observing, “Socialism is a central tenet of the Republican playbook this cycle. You see it with the NRCC. In the House races they try it. I mean my goodness. Who’s not a socialist as far as the NRCC is concerned?” 

 

And right on cue, while we were busy staying on message of socialism, the professional race handicappers, who we referred to internally as the “paywall prognosticators” predicted that Democrats would win “10-15 seats, with anything from 5-20 seats well within the range of possibility.” 

 

But that is not what happened. instead, the GOP made history by flipping an unprecedented 15 seats, while simultaneously losing GOP control of the Senate and White House. The fallout was immediately validating, as majority making centrist Democrats ceded that the NRCC stuck to its message and tuned out the noise of beltway press and paywall prognosticators. 

 

As reported by The Washington Post, “In the aftermath of their unexpected losses, Democrats argued that the party needs to come to terms with a bigger problem: Republicans have successfully cast the most vulnerable Democrats as “socialists” and tied them to liberal ideas, including Medicare-for-all, the Green New Deal and cutting police budgets.” One Democratic representative remarked to her colleagues, “Don’t say socialism ever again,” and “if we run this race again we will get f-----g torn apart again [at the polls]."

 

The lesson is clear: when institutions coddle extremists instead of standing up to them, it broadcasts to the world at large that the institutions in question are taking the extremists’ side. For the sake of their own reputations, as well as decency, colleges and universities must vocally reject the violent extremists on their campuses, prioritizing the values and beliefs of the broader American public over the disruptive demands of a radical few. By doing so, they will not only uphold their own integrity but also contribute to a more balanced and principled national discourse.

 

The defeated House Democrats should serve as a cautionary tale to these colleges and universities. Weakness and inconsistency in the face of extremist pressure leads to chaos and undermines core values. Colleges must choose the path of strength and principle, ensuring their policies reflect the true values of our nation and not the disruptive whims of a minority.

 

###

 

Chris Pack and Bob Salera led the NRCC’s messaging efforts during the 2020 election cycle. They now lead the communications vertical at Washington, DC public affairs firm, AxAdvocacy. 

 


By Gabriella Bucci April 24, 2025
AxAdvocacy President Ashlee Rich Stephenson joined Steve Scully on SiriusXM POTUS to weigh in on the tariff debate happening in Washington right now. “"If President Trump can make his tax cuts permanent, that will bring a lot of confidence to the market and bring a lot of confidence to main streets." Listen to the clip below:
By Gabriella Bucci April 22, 2025
AxAdvocacy Principal of Communications Chris Pack spoke with USA Today on the early start to the 2026 midterm elections. Speaking about Defending America PAC's efforts to support Congressman Brian Fitzpatrick, Pack noted that the campaign cycle has become nonstop. “It’s definitely become a full-contact sport,” he said. “And it seems there’s no longer an off-season.” Read the full article below: Midterms aren't as far away as you think. The fight has already started. USA Today Chris Brennan April 11, 2025 https://www.usatoday.com/story/opinion/columnist/2025/04/11/democrats-congress-midterms-2026-election/83014650007/ The 2026 midterm elections, which will determine which political party controls the U.S. House and Senate, are still nearly 19 months away . But those fights are already turning chippy. Democrats, eager to find a way back from political relegation, are in a solid position to retake the House next year. Republicans, keen on keeping control in both chambers of Congress, are already teeing off on Democratic contenders. A prime example is U.S. Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick , a Pennsylvania Republican seeking a sixth term next year in a purple congressional district in the suburbs just north of Philadelphia. Fitzpatrick is just one of three Republicans in the House who won in districts where Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris beat Republican opponent Donald Trump in November's election. He's accustomed to having a target on his district . Next year will be no different. Fitzpatrick has for years bedeviled activists on both ends of the political spectrum. Ardent Trump supporters in the district hate to hear him described as a conservative. Progressives there are driven to distraction when Fitzpatrick is called a moderate. This has worked for Fitzpatrick for nearly a decade. But now, he's tied again to a deeply unpopular president. Fitzpatrick's only tough election was in 2018 , a midterm election. Guess who was president then. Democrats have chosen which GOP seats they want to flip The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee on April 8 named Fitzpatrick's seat one of 35 districts held by Republicans targeted to flip next year . This was, of course, an advantageous week for that sort of messaging, giving Trump's flippity-floppity flirtation with economic calamity, concerns about federal budget cuts starving off access to programs like Social Security and Medicaid, and sinking approval ratings for Republicans in Congress. The Center for Politics at the University of Virginia on April 10 listed Fitzpatrick's seat as one of 13 held by Republicans across the country considered a "toss-up" next year. Part of that rests on historical precedent. For decades, with the exception of 2002, the party that holds the White House has suffered midterm election losses in Congress. Kyle Kondik from The Center for Politics told me he doesn't see Fitzpatrick as "a top-tier Democratic target" because he hasn't faced a difficult challenge since the 2018 election. Even so, he added that if Vice President Harris had won the presidency last November, Fitzpatrick's seat would have been rated a "likely Republican" win this week. Kondik, writing April 10 about the midterm elections, noted that Democrats " have been punching above their weight in special elections " this year, which echoes back to party wins in 2017, the first year of Trump's first term, ahead of a successful 2018 midterm cycle. "Democrats became favorites to flip the House as soon as Trump won, and what has happened since then has not really changed that assessment," Kondik wrote. The Pennsylvania midterm election getting attention For a potential congressional matchup set way down the road on Nov. 3, 2026, the ominous text messages I've received in the past week make the race sound imminent. Bob Harvie , a Democrat who chairs the Bucks County Board of Commissioners, has entered his party's primary to challenge Fitzpatrick. And he, too, was soon wearing a target. The National Republican Congressional Committee fired off an early salvo April 8 knocking Harvie for how Bucks County spent national money from a national opioid settlement. And Defending America, a super PAC that describes itself as committed to protecting Fitzpatrick "from extremist challenges on both the far-left and far-right," came out swinging at Harvie with texts calling him a "clown" and "a corrupt, do-nothing partisan hack." Having a Republican in the 1st Congressional District and a Democrat as chair of the county commission shows how politically competitive the district is, where 42% of the registered voters are Republicans , 40% are Democrats and the rest are independents or members of smaller parties. You might assume a super PAC seeking to help Fitzpatrick would be well funded by deep-pocket conservative groups. You'd be wrong. Federal Election Commission reports show that political action committees for unions representing carpenters, laborers, plumbers, letter carriers and airline pilots were the biggest contributors to Defending America in 2023 and 2024. Trump is already promising big midterm wins. Not so fast. Chris Pack, a longtime Republican political consultant and spokesperson for Defending America, told me the super PAC was set up in 2023 to help Fitzpatrick fend off a primary challenger from the right. I asked him if it felt like the midterms were off to an early start. He agreed. "It's definitely become a full-contact sport," Pack told me. "And it seems there's no longer an off-season." Kondik said money flooding into races early accelerates the cycle to where it hardly starts or stops. "There's so much money in the political system that it's never too early to see attacks," Kondik said. "There really is effectively a permanent campaign for the House." With the cycle already churning, Fitzpatrick and other potentially vulnerable Republicans will face certain scrutiny from voters and special interests looking to see how close to ‒ or distant from ‒ he is to a controversial president who could serve as an effective deadweight on his campaign. Talk about a toss-up. Trump, speaking April 8 at the National Republican Congressional Committee's annual fundraiser , promised his party "a tremendous, thundering landslide" in the midterm elections in a rambling speech that oscillated between old lies about the 2020 election and new boasts about the tariffs he had just slapped on countries around the world. A day later, Trump paused those tariffs for 90 days as panic in the stock markets metastasized into the bond market , giving the president's advisers some serious agita. Vulnerable Republicans like Fitzpatrick now have nearly 19 months of that sort of inevitable chaos to weather. Progressives have failed to topple him. Maybe Trump is up to the task this time?
By Gabriella Bucci April 22, 2025
As seen in this morning's Hotline, ahead of several high-stakes decisions before the Supreme Court, AxAdvocacy has developed a presentation deck offering an overview of key cases and an analysis of how their outcomes could affect organizations and industries. This resource is available to download here: https://lnkd.in/eA_3Qdfm
By Gabriella Bucci April 22, 2025
As the Supreme Court’s term continues, several high-stakes decisions are expected this spring and early summer that may have far-reaching implications for the business and industry landscape. Corporate leaders and stakeholders should stay informed about the potential ripple effects these rulings may have across various sectors. To help our clients and colleagues prepare, the AxAdvocacy team has developed this presentation deck on pending rulings. It offers a concise overview of key cases on the Court’s docket and analyzes how their outcomes could affect organizations and industries. This resource is designed to serve as a roadmap for anticipating legal challenges and identifying strategic considerations. Key issues the Court is set to address—and are highlighted in the deck—include: • Employer obligations under the ADA • False claims to federal regulators • Court forum shopping • Allegations of reverse discrimination • Foreign governments using the U.S. legal system • Liability of gun manufacturers • Congressional redistricting • Clean Water Act & Clean Air Act interpretations • The scope of federal agency power • Tax exemptions for religious organizations • Parental rights over school content • Public funding for religious schools By staying ahead of these developments, businesses can better navigate the shifting legal landscape and plan with confidence. Click the image below to access the full presentation.
By Gabriella Bucci April 22, 2025
AxAdvocacy Principal of Communications Chris Pack spoke with USA Today on the early start to the 2026 midterm elections. Speaking about Defending America PAC's efforts to support Congressman Brian Fitzpatrick, Pack noted that the campaign cycle has become nonstop. “It’s definitely become a full-contact sport,” he said. “And it seems there’s no longer an off-season.” Read the full article below: Midterms aren't as far away as you think. The fight has already started. USA Today Chris Brennan April 11, 2025 https://www.usatoday.com/story/opinion/columnist/2025/04/11/democrats-congress-midterms-2026-election/83014650007/ The 2026 midterm elections, which will determine which political party controls the U.S. House and Senate, are still nearly 19 months away . But those fights are already turning chippy. Democrats, eager to find a way back from political relegation, are in a solid position to retake the House next year. Republicans, keen on keeping control in both chambers of Congress, are already teeing off on Democratic contenders. A prime example is U.S. Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick , a Pennsylvania Republican seeking a sixth term next year in a purple congressional district in the suburbs just north of Philadelphia. Fitzpatrick is just one of three Republicans in the House who won in districts where Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris beat Republican opponent Donald Trump in November's election. He's accustomed to having a target on his district . Next year will be no different. Fitzpatrick has for years bedeviled activists on both ends of the political spectrum. Ardent Trump supporters in the district hate to hear him described as a conservative. Progressives there are driven to distraction when Fitzpatrick is called a moderate. This has worked for Fitzpatrick for nearly a decade. But now, he's tied again to a deeply unpopular president. Fitzpatrick's only tough election was in 2018 , a midterm election. Guess who was president then. Democrats have chosen which GOP seats they want to flip The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee on April 8 named Fitzpatrick's seat one of 35 districts held by Republicans targeted to flip next year . This was, of course, an advantageous week for that sort of messaging, giving Trump's flippity-floppity flirtation with economic calamity, concerns about federal budget cuts starving off access to programs like Social Security and Medicaid, and sinking approval ratings for Republicans in Congress. The Center for Politics at the University of Virginia on April 10 listed Fitzpatrick's seat as one of 13 held by Republicans across the country considered a "toss-up" next year. Part of that rests on historical precedent. For decades, with the exception of 2002, the party that holds the White House has suffered midterm election losses in Congress. Kyle Kondik from The Center for Politics told me he doesn't see Fitzpatrick as "a top-tier Democratic target" because he hasn't faced a difficult challenge since the 2018 election. Even so, he added that if Vice President Harris had won the presidency last November, Fitzpatrick's seat would have been rated a "likely Republican" win this week. Kondik, writing April 10 about the midterm elections, noted that Democrats " have been punching above their weight in special elections " this year, which echoes back to party wins in 2017, the first year of Trump's first term, ahead of a successful 2018 midterm cycle. "Democrats became favorites to flip the House as soon as Trump won, and what has happened since then has not really changed that assessment," Kondik wrote. The Pennsylvania midterm election getting attention For a potential congressional matchup set way down the road on Nov. 3, 2026, the ominous text messages I've received in the past week make the race sound imminent. Bob Harvie , a Democrat who chairs the Bucks County Board of Commissioners, has entered his party's primary to challenge Fitzpatrick. And he, too, was soon wearing a target. The National Republican Congressional Committee fired off an early salvo April 8 knocking Harvie for how Bucks County spent national money from a national opioid settlement. And Defending America, a super PAC that describes itself as committed to protecting Fitzpatrick "from extremist challenges on both the far-left and far-right," came out swinging at Harvie with texts calling him a "clown" and "a corrupt, do-nothing partisan hack." Having a Republican in the 1st Congressional District and a Democrat as chair of the county commission shows how politically competitive the district is, where 42% of the registered voters are Republicans , 40% are Democrats and the rest are independents or members of smaller parties. You might assume a super PAC seeking to help Fitzpatrick would be well funded by deep-pocket conservative groups. You'd be wrong. Federal Election Commission reports show that political action committees for unions representing carpenters, laborers, plumbers, letter carriers and airline pilots were the biggest contributors to Defending America in 2023 and 2024. Trump is already promising big midterm wins. Not so fast. Chris Pack, a longtime Republican political consultant and spokesperson for Defending America, told me the super PAC was set up in 2023 to help Fitzpatrick fend off a primary challenger from the right. I asked him if it felt like the midterms were off to an early start. He agreed. "It's definitely become a full-contact sport," Pack told me. "And it seems there's no longer an off-season." Kondik said money flooding into races early accelerates the cycle to where it hardly starts or stops. "There's so much money in the political system that it's never too early to see attacks," Kondik said. "There really is effectively a permanent campaign for the House." With the cycle already churning, Fitzpatrick and other potentially vulnerable Republicans will face certain scrutiny from voters and special interests looking to see how close to ‒ or distant from ‒ he is to a controversial president who could serve as an effective deadweight on his campaign. Talk about a toss-up. Trump, speaking April 8 at the National Republican Congressional Committee's annual fundraiser , promised his party "a tremendous, thundering landslide" in the midterm elections in a rambling speech that oscillated between old lies about the 2020 election and new boasts about the tariffs he had just slapped on countries around the world. A day later, Trump paused those tariffs for 90 days as panic in the stock markets metastasized into the bond market , giving the president's advisers some serious agita. Vulnerable Republicans like Fitzpatrick now have nearly 19 months of that sort of inevitable chaos to weather. Progressives have failed to topple him. Maybe Trump is up to the task this time?
March 26, 2025
AxAdvocacy Grows Leadership Team with Addition of Giancarlo Brizzi as Senior Advisor
March 18, 2025
AxAdvocacy principal Bobby Babcock wrote a piece for Construction News and Review Magazine on construction regulations. The construction industry has faced significant challenges over the past four years due to rising costs and regulatory hurdles, making 2025 a critical year for reforming policies to enhance competition, efficiency, and innovation in infrastructure development. Read more here: https://mycnr.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/CNR_JJAN25_web.pdf
February 4, 2025
AxAdvocacy has announced that former Missouri State Senator Holly Thompson Rehder will be leading their government affairs work in Missouri.
February 4, 2025
AxAdvocacy Expands National Footprint with Former Missouri State Senator Holly Thompson Rehder Leading Government Affairs in Missouri
February 4, 2025
AxAdvocacy Adds Hill Veteran Jeff Billman as Senior Vice President
More Posts